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Nazis at the Watercooler

War Criminals in Postwar German Government Agencies

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2 of 2 copies available
2 of 2 copies available
After World War II, when a new German democracy was born in the western region of the vanquished Third Reich, tens of thousands of civil servants were hired to work for newly formed government agencies to get the new republic quickly on its feet. But there was an enormous flaw in the plan: no serious vetting system was put in place to keep war criminals out of government positions.
Ex-Nazis—people who had been involved in mass murder, drafting antisemitic laws, and the persecution of Hitler's opponents, as well as other depravities—resumed their careers without consequence in the newly created Federal Republic of Germany. Former Nazis who had established an early foothold in postwar government agencies helped each other get government work by writing letters of recommendation called Persilscheine. These "Persil Certificates," named after a popular detergent, made an ex-Nazi's recorded past just as clean as fresh laundry, and a whole generation of German government officials with Nazi pasts was never brought to account.
Ex-Nazis were given preference for government jobs even over victims of Nazi policies and anti-Hitler resisters. They swapped Nazi uniforms for suits, Hitler salutes for handshakes. And with help from the highest levels of West German government and even the CIA, they swept their crimes under the carpet and resurrected their careers. Nazis at the Watercooler illuminates the network of ex–Third Reich loyalists and the U.S. government's complicity that enabled this mass impunity.
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    • Kirkus

      October 15, 2024
      A wide-ranging investigation of the incorporation of former Nazis, including war criminals, into postwar German commerce and government. World War II had barely ended, writes former Associated Press chief correspondent Petty, when German chancellor Konrad Adenauer declared impatiently, "This sniffing around for Nazis has to stop." It did, quickly. As Petty notes, 24 major players in the Third Reich were put on trial "on charges of crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity," with 19 convicted and 12 executed. Of lesser figures in the Nazi machine, about 5,000 were convicted in American, British, and French military courts, with about 700 condemned to death. (Thousands died in Soviet hands, but that was another story.) The supposed "denazification" of Germany by Occupation forces was quickly stymied by the desire of "ordinary" Germans to forget about the bad times and get on with it. Couple that with the well-known desire of Western operatives to recruit Germans as allies in the budding Cold War, and the order of the day was to forgive and forget. As Petty writes, this amnesia had shocking dimensions: one war criminal who escaped to Chile and whose funeral, years later, was accompanied by those familiar stiff-armed salutes traveled back to Germany for briefings with federal intelligence agents--who, in turn, were indifferent to whether their colleagues and informants had engaged in mass murder. After decades of silence, German historians have been at work chronicling the collusion of wartime and postwar regimes, discovering, Petty writes, that "the infestation of government offices by former Nazis with seriously compromised backgrounds was worse than had been previously imagined." All this has implications, Petty concludes, in a Europe where nationalist parties are on the rise, in tandem with Trump's America. A sharp-eyed look at a troubling past that still reverberates in modern Germany.

      COPYRIGHT(2024) Kirkus Reviews, ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

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